Translate This Page

Showing posts with label Ruben Navarrette. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ruben Navarrette. Show all posts

Thursday, March 28, 2013

One Year and Counting



My, how time flies!

Last week marked the one-year anniversary of The Mexican Intellectual.  Our blog launched on Friday, March 23rd 2012 with the very first post.  It seems as an appropriate time as any to reflect on what has happened on this site over the previous 12 months.

Celebrating one year of The Mexican Intellectual
March 22, 2013
Source: Author's private collection


Growing Popularity:  As of this writing, we have more than 3,100 total page views.  This figure may not seem like a lot when compared to Google, Amazon, or YouTube cat videos, but we think it is not too shabby for a two-man operation, especially considering we have full-time jobs and our own familial and other personal obligations.  Of these page views, 2,000 occurred during the first 11 months of the site.  More than 1,100 page views have come since the end of February.  We hope to keep up this pace and reach at least 5,000 page views by mid-summer.


More Production: Part of this growing popularity may be due to the fact that Dr. Gaytán and I are writing more.  We published only 15 posts from March to October 2012, with production declining first during the summer months and again beginning with the Fall semester’s mid-terms, which than ran through finals week, and spilled into the holidays.  Yet, we have published 17 posts during the first three months of 2013!  We hope to maintain this level of production from here-on-out.

What’s Popular: Of the Top Ten most viewed blog posts, Dr. Gaytán is the author of eight of them.  He also authored the most read post to date, “Why Does Everyone Hate Ruben Navarette?”  “Is the Unexamined Life Worth Hiring?” is my most popularly read piece in the Top Ten.  My other Top Ten entry is my more recent post about Pope Francis.  I really do not mind that Dr. Gaytán’s popular posts outnumber mine at a five-to-one ratio, since more people have viewed my “About Us” profile than his!


What’s Next:  We look forward to continue blogging our thoughts and opinions on a myriad of subjects.  We will continue to appreciate the support of all of you who read, comment about, and share The Mexican Intellectual.  In the coming months, you may see some changes to the site.  We expect these to be seamless and not to interfere with your enjoyment of the site.  We will be sure to keep you updated as we implement these changes.

Until then, thank you for your ongoing interest in and support of The Mexican Intellectual!

Sunday, February 24, 2013

Authentic Latinos: Oscars Edition


This has been a less than inspiring year for Hispanics in film and their presence at the Academy Awards, or lack thereof, is indicative of that. Voxxi has given a rundown of Latinos who were up for awards. The list it mustered includes those in some of the less high profile categories, like cinematography and short documentary (not to undercut the two winners of the short and feature length documentary awards, “Inocente” and “Searching for Sugarman,” respectively).  In order to fill out the lack of a Hispanic presence, the article reaches to the foreign film category, namely the Chilean film “No,” starring Mexican actor Gael García Bernal; this although most would agree that Latin Americans living in their home countries are not Latino at all as Hispanic and Latino are categories that only have meaning in the United States. The Academy could not even muster a brief acknowledgment for Lupe Ontiveros, the Latina character actress, who passed away this year.

The one possibility for a Latino presence in a major award category was the acclaimed film Argo, which is based on the life of former CIA agent Antonio “Tony” Mendez. Rather than having a Latino actor play the Mexican-descent Mendez, Ben Affleck chose to cast himself in the lead role. This was to the chagrin of journalist and polemicist Ruben Navarrette, who argued a few weeks ago that Affleck rewarded himself at the expense of many qualified Latino actors. Navarrette offered a compelling opinion that it is time for Hollywood to place Latinos in lead roles, especially when the characters are Latinos.

There was an interesting twist to Navarrette’s appeal, however; Jack Rico, a writer with NBC Latino, sat down with the real Tony Mendez to see if he had taken umbrage with Affleck, an Irish-American, playing him in the film. Mendez said he had no problem at all with Affleck portraying him. It wasn’t because Affleck speaks Spanish and could pass as an authentic Latino, it was because Mendez doesn’t identify as Hispanic. As he stated in the interview, “I think of myself as a person who grew up in the desert. If I had been in a different family circumstance, I might have felt that way.” He reveals again that lumping a really diverse group of people into one category is a difficult thing to do, and given the artifice that is involved, many people may just opt out. Many “Hispanics” and “Latinos” do just that, as they typically prefer to be categorized by their countries of origin. Mendez takes it a step further, as probably a significant number of Hispanics have done, by simply melting into the American pot and giving up the minority ethnic identity. Richard Alba, a sociologist has argued this very point and has numbers to back up the idea that Latinos are assimilating into the mainstream, just as generations of immigrant descendants have before.

Even though there was not large Latino presence in terms of films and actors this year, perhaps Hispanics can take solace in the fact that in one way they have always been present at the award ceremony and always will be. After all, the Oscar statue was modeled after Emilio Fernández, a Mexican-born screenwriter, actor, and director who worked on both American and Mexican films

Friday, January 4, 2013

Why Does Everyone Hate Ruben Navarrette?

-->
-->
In the realm of Latino media, Ruben Navarrette has solidified his role as a force of supernova proportions.  Whether on the left or the right, his ideas push buttons, and as he would probably hope, drive them to think about why they agree or disagree with his opinions; unfortunately, that is what rarely happens. Instead, there is an onslaught of attacks riddled with logical fallacies that would make college writing professors very sad. I would know, because I am a college professor, and as is Ruben’s style, I will highlight some of my credentials. I am a developmental psychologist and social worker who teaches courses in those general areas, while my focused research is on Latino well-being and access to higher education. As a Harvard-educated Latino who cares deeply about immigrant communities and just immigration reform, I try to stay abreast of not only the latest academic and policy information around those issues, but also prevailing attitudes among those not sequestered in the ivory tower and other elite circles. I teach at a state university in Chicago, where many of the students are Hispanic, from immigrant families, are immigrants themselves and who are DREAMers. It is this latter group who have been the source of much of the recent controversy in regards to Navarrette’s writing. His opinion is useful because it considers the vast middle, rather than the cemented opinions of the far left and right. I don’t always agree, but I do think his ideas are really worth considering

Navarrette’s column argues that some DREAMers, the young college-age immigrants, who were brought to the United States illegally by their parents, typically before high school age, are undermining their own efforts to achieve legal status. Through acts of civil disobedience and making demands, he argues that they will alienate people who might otherwise be sympathetic to their cause. After all, culturally and linguistically, these youth are American, are good citizens (small “C”), and the U.S. is the place they have come to know as home.  For many Americans, this is a compelling group to help out by changing our laws. We want these young, ambitious, smart, college-educated people as part of our country, making contributions. Change does not happen rapidly, although as Americans we believe that we can cultivate, or even demand things to change. This is where the DREAMers and their most ardent supporters and Navarrette part ways. Stephen Nuño, a professor in Arizona, made a similar argument against DREAMers’ actions a few weeks prior to Navarrette’s column, but Ruben has a particular knack for ruffling people’s feathers.

For the DREAMers change is not coming fast enough. It has been over ten years since the bill meant to regularize their status was introduced to Congress, and while it has come close, it has never reached the President’s desk. This is certainly a cause for frustration. Feeling that their backs are against a wall, some DREAMers have turned to forceful and illegal public acts, such as locking themselves in the chambers of a congressman to publicize their desires. For such behavior, Navarrette argued that DREAMers should get a “scolding” (or was it a “spanking”? I forget because as a Latino he frequently resorts to figurative corporal punishment with his subjects; hide the chanclas).

By definition, civil disobedience is illegal. That is not the question here. Nor is it a question that these youth are unauthorized to be here or “illegal.” It is not even a question for many, Navarrette included, whether DREAMers should get some form of authorized status, if not full citizenship. The question has been the method, civil disobedience, but no one who has responded to Navarrette has even touched that issue. 

A quick aside, Navarrette has been a writer for a long time and his views in favor of immigration reform are easily available. He is really transparent about his biases, a law and order, traditional family values, capitalistic moderate, who has experienced his share of ethnic bias, making him sensitive to laws that systematically exclude groups primarily on the basis of their origins. He is in favor of immigration reform that provides some form of legal status for immigrants who are here crime-free, but without authorization. In short, he is like most Latinos. He is also an opinion columnist, and in this great treatise from Malcolm Gladwell, the best-selling New Yorker writer, we see that we all have opinions, but the key is to be aware of when those opinions lead to bias. Navarrette jokingly asserts that his columns are “dripping” with bias, but in reality, the man has strong opinions, based on thoughtful reasoning, and being aware of his biases is actually an advantage that allows him, or anyone for that matter, to construct a good argument. It is here where the college professor in me has noted the woeful shortcomings of those who try to refute Navarrette, even other college professors.

At the most base level, people have launched epithets toward Ruben about his weight, intelligence, and compassion. These types of ad hominem attacks can be satisfying in the moment, but they do little more than prove the point that brash, in your face tactics do little to further a cause. Individuals have also attacked his politics, as if that alone would be a reason to discredit his argument. He has been called a Republican and a Tío Tomas, the Latino version of an Uncle Tom, but there is little evidence of this in the history of his writing as he frequently takes Republicans to task and is not reluctant to call those in power to task, even if it means he may suffer as a result. What kind of Tío Tomas would do that? The more content-minded critics of Navarrette have approached him as a straw man, trying to argue for why we should offer an amnesty to DREAMers, but as I mentioned before, this was never the original point. Navarrette is for immigration reform that is in line with most advocates of the DREAM Act.

So, it has taken about a thousand words to get here, but the argument is about the effectiveness of civil disobedience as a method for achieving social change and the answer is not clear one way or the other. Even the very left American Civil Liberties Union, offers arguments both in favor and against the approach. DREAMers have made comparisons of their efforts to the Civil Rights movement, in which civil disobedience was part of the strategy. While not a perfect comparison, let’s consider the point: Martin Luther King’s speech at the foot of the Lincoln Memorial was given with a permit. James Meredith had the Supreme Court and police escorts in his favor as he entered the University of Mississippi. Cesar Chavez’s hunger strike broke no laws and affected no one directly, but himself. While we romanticize Rosa Parks, and this is not meant to diminish her spontaneous act, much social change happens through legal channels, especially when what is ironically being argued for is legal status.

I am not trying to defend Navarrette. He can do that for himself. I am arguing for substantive debate. So, please consider the actual points being made and the potential consequences. I think the outpouring of opinion is wonderful; Latinos have really arrived in terms of having political opinions that are aired. Now let’s just make sure they are well thought out and productive, rather than reactionary and trivial. We will all benefit from such a true open exchange.

Friday, June 22, 2012

Immigration Reform and the Presidential Race

There has been much ado about President Obama's announcement last week that he would use his executive privilege to use discretion regarding dealings with unauthorized immigrants who meet certain criteria. This discretion is focused on Dreamers, the self-named group of young people whose parents brought them to the United States illegally when they were very young, who attended and completed their schooling in the U.S., have no criminal background, and/or have served in the military. Obama has said that Immigration and Customs Enforcement will now use discretion with regards to this group, halting their deportation if they meet certain criteria, and even granting them temporary 2-year work permits. 

Initially, there was elation from immigration reform advocates, especially the Dreamers, but upon further examination that excitement was tempered. 

First, they had to respond to critics that this executive order was unconstitutional and sidestepped the legislative process and Congress. This was despite an open letter to Obama sent by a large group of legal scholars and lawyers  two weeks prior to the President's announcement, criticizing the President for not using executive powers around immigration. They argued that historical actions by other presidents and legal precedent would allow Obama to exercise his authority to halt deportations and grant temporary legal status to some immigrants. 

A second point, was the issue of political pandering by Obama. Some argued that Obama's decision to defer action on the deportation of some unauthorized immigrants was reacting to this pressure and the pressure from Dreamers who were occupying some of his campaign offices. They suggested that Obama's act was purely political, but pragmatically for them it was a step in the right direction. 

This raised a third area of doubt, because the order did not represent any sort of permanent change. Obama had a longstanding position that discretion should be used with regards to unauthorized immigrants who had no criminal records. Despite that he still holds the dubious distinction of deporting record numbers of unauthorized immigrants compared to other administrations. Actually, some wondered if anything changed at all because his current announcement is really just "old wine in a new wineskin." 

These previous points relate to the issue of the President's commitment to immigration reform and  Latinos more generally. Despite promises of comprehensive immigration reform that would occur in his first year in office, he did nothing to move the issue forward. When the less comprehensive DREAM Act reached Congress for a vote, he expended very little, if any political capital to get it passed. When called out by immigration reform advocates regarding his lack of support, Obama has proven "testy" and even "hostile." An extended Washington Post piece cites numerous examples of Obama's defensiveness around immigration issues, and a seeming overall unwillingness to change his actions, leading some to question where he really stands on the issue.

Romeny's political reaction was muted at first, but he finally proposed some potential reforms to the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) yesterday. Ironically, despite calling the president's immigration policy unconstitutional, he proposed very similar unilateral executive policies as part of his immigration stance. Overall, though, he presented little of substance in the way of immigration reform, perhaps showing that he still stands on his simplistic "self-deport" platform.

Perhaps Romney believes that his immigration and Latino trump card is Marco Rubio. An article by African American writer Earl Ofari Hutchinson seems to suggest this might be true. In this article I think that Mr. Hutchinson's lens is clouded by the Black-White binary paradigm that pervades American thinking. Latinos are really diverse and complex. While there are some trends such as being opposed to abortion and same-sex marriage, IN GENERAL, when you look at Latino sub-groups, such as generational status, age, specific country of origin, these overall trends disappear; One trend that does seem to trump that complexity and gives Latinos something to stand together on is immigration; we are all still pretty closely tied to our immigrant roots AND many people (using the Black-White paradigm) assume that Latino is synonymous with immigrant. Because we realize that having our nativity questioned is a big source of bias, we tend toward favoring immigration reform that might remove that stigma. We would probably be much more likely to vote on that issue alone, as the Obama bump in the last week shows. That is much more a reason for us to vote as a bloc than whether someone with a Spanish surname was on the ticket of either party. While Rubio may offer some moderate views that are agreeable to Latinos, especially given his Democratic past and love of hip-hop (sarcasm), he too has been pretty much in the background in terms of his immigration stance, with the public still awaiting the immigration reform legislation that he said he would be putting forward a while ago. 

All of this is to say that immigration will certainly be a big deal this election. And, with the Census releasing more evidence of the ever-growing Latino population, it really is time that politicians of both parties stop talking and start acting.